Heinz Dieterich or Heinz Dieterich Steffan born is a German sociologist and a political analyst residing in Mexico. He is better known for his leftist ideals. He contributes to several journals and has published more than 30 books about conflict in Latin America, global society and the ideological controversies that characterised the 20th century, among other philosophical and social scientific topics. After completing his university studies in sociology in Frankfurt and Bremen , he moved to Latin America. Since then he has shown a lot of interest in politics and social movements in Latin America, and documented a great deal of their activity.

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Desde el ha sido asimilado en todo el mundo. Depende de los criterios que se usen para tal juicio. Menciono solo algunos. Esto es un mandato sustancioso de los ciudadanos. Son dos: 1. Si se monetariza ese intercambio de valores desiguales esfuerzos laborales desiguales , es decir, si se expresa en forma monetaria o natural, es secundario.

I developed it, beginning in Since , it has been appropriated all over the world. Along with the theory of socialism of the 21st century, I advanced the theory of Latin American transition that is expressed in key concepts like the Regional Block of Power Bloque Regional de Poder — BRP , also already in general use in Latin America. In brief: a socialism in which the majorities have the greatest historically possible degree of decision-making power in the economic, political, cultural, and military institutions that govern their lives.

There are politicians and intellectuals of the Left who say that nobody knows how to build socialism. Because their pronouncement is totally false. And no matter how often it is repeated, it continues to be false. Contemporary science does not leave any mystery about what socialism of the 21st century is or its difference from contemporary capitalism and historical socialism.

Nor about how we ought to construct it nowadays. It is, simply, a mistaken epistemological position. It depends on the criteria that are used for such judgment. As a scientific economist and sociologist, I prefer the parameters that Marx and Engels used: economy of value and participatory democracy. And under those criteria, there has been no socialist society since the French Revolution, although, yes, there have been many heroic and tragic attempts to achieve it.

Do conditions for implementing socialism of the 21st century exist in Venezuela? Yes, now indeed they do. I mention only some. Two thirds of the population voted for the President with full knowledge of his banner of Socialism of the 21st Century.

This is a substantial mandate of citizens. The advance of the educational and economic system and of the consciousness of the people has been remarkable.

Latin American integration and the destruction of the Monroe Doctrine seem already unstoppable. The Armed Forces now are reliable, and three key sectors of the national economy are in the hands of the government: the State, PdVSA-CVG, and more than one hundred thousand cooperatives.

What would be the decisive step that the President would have to take to arrive at socialism of the 21s century in Venezuela? They are two: 1. That is as erroneous as the pronouncement that nobody knows how to build socialism of the 21st century. The problem of economic injustice does not lie in money. It has nothing to do with whether economy is monetized or functions through exchange in kind by barter.

In the exploitative relation between slave and master, once the initial payment is amortized, money does not intervene, and yet it is one of the worst brutalities in history. Whether that exchange of unequal values unequal labor efforts is monetized — that is to say, whether it is expressed in monetary or natural form — is secondary. It is not generalized nationalization of private property, because it does not solve the cybernetic problem of the market. It did not do so in the past and it would not do so today.

Socialism today is essentially a problem of informatic complexity. Hence, the transcendental step consists in establishing socialist accounting value next to capitalist accounting price , in the State, PdVSA-CVG, and cooperatives, in order to construct an economic circuit of production and circulation parallel to that of the capitalist market economy. The economy of state and social institutions can move step by step toward the economy of value and gain ground against the circuit of capitalist reproduction, until it displaces it in the future.

Since the scales of valuation by prices, values, and also volumes are commensurable, there are no ruptures in economic exchanges that could cause a political problem to the government. In all this, the State and the majorities play an important role, but both are nowadays mainly with the project of the President.

To create this parallel circuit of the economy of value would be relatively easy, because values exist in underlying form in the present capitalist accounting. Values exist in it in such a way that, with the development of corresponding software, it would be very easy to establish this socialist economic circuit next to the capitalist one. Without this passage to the economy of equivalency, it is not possible to have a socialist economy. Translation by Yoshie Furuhashi yoshiefuruhashi yoshie.

Exacerbated Sectarian Conflict? In short, what does this new socialism consists of? In your opinion, has there been any socialist country in the modern era? Is the economy of socialism of the 21st century, then, a barter economy?

What would be the decisive step of the President, then?


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